Collage challenges Internet censorship

Ph.D. student Sam Burnett has developed Collage, a tool that relies on user-generated content sites like Flickr to help citizens in countries oppressed by censorship communicate more openly.

The basic idea is to hide censored content in seemingly innocuous photos that are hosted on user-generated content sites like Flickr.

The landscape of internet censorship has changed drastically due to more refined and sophisticated censorship techniques. This has particularly been the case in China, over the last decade, where the infamous “Great Firewall of China” has been set up. He says this has been the impetus to a rise in techniques to try and circumvent internet censorship.

According to Feamster’s article, an infranet system can provide countries and companies with the capacity to work around censorship firewalls as it “uses a tunnel protocol that provides a covert communication channel between its clients and servers, modulated over standard HTTP transactions that resemble innocuous web browsing.”

However, he feels that these web proxies are easily discovered by censors and lack robustness and deniability, which he defines as “the users of the system must be able to deny that they were even using the system in the first place.”

This is where the new Collage tool comes in. Nick Feamster writes:

“Based on these observations, we designed Collage, which allows users to hide messages in photos that they post to user-generated content sites like Flickr and Twitter.  The tool allows message senders to hide messages in photos and tweets and upload them to respective user-generated content sites.  Its design has several advantages.  First, it does not require users to set up fixed infrastructure (e.g., Web servers).  Second, it uses erasure coding to “spread” any single message across multiple drop sites, making the system more robust to blocking than a proxy-based system.  Collage appeared at USENIX Security Symposium last Friday (paper here) and has appeared in the press recently. Time will tell whether this tool sees more widespread adoption.”

You can read the full paper here.

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FAO Liam Fox: Really? Really?

It’s reassuring that defence secretary Liam Fox isn’t very busy. In spite of an ongoing war, massive budget cuts, and the threat of resurgent violent republican groups in Northern Ireland, Fox obviously has plenty of time on his hands to talk about computer games.

What’s less reassuring is that when Fox does talk about computer games, he comes up with an opinion as silly and nonsensical as calling for a game to be banned.

Fox thinks war game Medal Of Honour should not be stocked in shops, cos you can play as the Taliban as well as playing as Nato forces.

“It’s shocking that someone would think it acceptable to recreate the acts of the Taliban. At the hands of the Taliban, children have lost fathers and wives have lost husbands. I am disgusted and angry. It’s hard to believe any citizen of our country would wish to buy such a thoroughly un-British game. I would urge retailers to show their support for our armed forces and ban this tasteless product.”

Does Fox really think that soldiers in Afghanistan are weeping themselves to sleep at night due of the thought that someone might be playing the baddies in a computer game? Does he think that Medal Of Honour might encourage young people to join the Taliban? Did Fox only ever play Escape From Colditz as the British? Was Buckaroo banned from his house because it endorsed animal cruelty? And how pathetic is this attempt to curry favour with the military shortly before he starts sacking people?

We need answers!

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EDL Bradford march banned

The Home Secretary has banned the English Defence League from marching through Bradford.

The Home Office has said:

“Having carefully balanced rights to protest against the need to ensure local communities and property are protected, the Home Secretary today gave her consent to a Bradford Council order banning any marches in the city over the bank holiday weekend.

“West Yorkshire Police are committed to using their powers to ensure communities and property are protected and we encourage all local people to work with the police to ensure community cohesion is not undermined by public disorder.”

The letter from the Home Office confirming the ban is interesting, saying:

The application from the Chief Constable of West Yorkshire Police is clear that the activities of some who attend English Defence League protests — and indeed counter protests — has little to do with freedom of expression. So while the Government has set out its commitment to restore rights to non-violent protest, we are equally clear that such rights do not extend to intimidation, harassment, and criminality, and that rights to protest need to be balanced against the wider rights of local communities.

It’s nice that the notion of free expression is even acknowledged here.

But we must wonder: can we be free in a society that places public order above all other concerns?

Again, (see previous post)I’ll ask why offensive, potentially confrontational marches are allowed take place throughout Northern Ireland, but not in England?

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Blair memoirs censorship row

On Tuesday the Guardian ran a letter urging Waterstone’s to cancel its book-signing on 8 September for Tony Blair‘s memoirs.  Iain Banks, AL Kennedy, Moazzem Begg, John Pilger, Michael Nyman and others described the event as  ”deeply offensive to most people in Britain.”

In today’s Guardian, Index editor Jo Glanville, Article 19 trustee Dr Evan Harris and Jonathan Heawood, director, English PEN respond.

We respect the writers of yesterday’s letter (18 August) and share their view on the illegality of the Iraq war and Tony Blair‘s nefarious role in engineering this country’s participation in it. But we can not share their call for Waterstone’s to desist from promoting it on the grounds that the event “will be deeply offensive to most people in Britain”, even if that were the case.

When it comes to literature, drama, journalism, artistic expression and scientific publication we must be consistent in our support for free speech. How can we defend the right of the Birmingham Repertory to put on and advertise a play like Behzti, despite it being deemed offensive to some Sikhs, and then call on a bookseller not to promote one of its books – or a library not to stock it — on the grounds of offence? The answer, in a liberal society, is to not read the book if it offends you, and to not buy a copy if you don’t wish royalties to go to the author.

While Iain Banks and colleagues say “Waterstone’s will seriously harm its own reputation as a respectable bookseller by helping him [Blair] promote his book”, we think its reputation would now be harmed by caving in to this sort of pressure.

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Does the EDL have a right to march?

The Guardian reports that West Yorkshire police chief Sir Norman Bettison is to ask Home Secretary Theresa May to ban the English Defence League from marching through Bradford later this month, after 10,000 people in the town signed a petition against the march.

The key word here is “march”. The police are clear that they have no powers to stop the “anti-Muslim” EDL from holding a “static demonstration” — i.e. the boring standing around bit, which one doubts appeals to the average EDL supporter.

One could, open and shut, say that this is the end of the argument, free-expression wise: the EDL aren’t being stopped from speaking, they’re just being stopped from moving and speaking.

Of course, that’s disingenuous on two counts. Firstly, the EDL march would be aimed at the city’s Asian neighbourhoods — part provocation, part harassment of the Muslims of the city.

Secondly, can we truly say that the right to free expression is adequately protected if police and politicians control where and when we can exercise it in the public sphere?

Provocative marches are, of course, nothing new to these islands. The most frequently cited example is Oswald Mosley’s Blackshirts’ attempt to march through the then-predominantly Jewish East End — the “Battle of Cable Street“. That ended in rioting, and is widely remembered as a defeat for the British Union of Fascists.

When I last cited this incident myself, I asked if the locals had actually been wrong to block the march.

The Times’s Oliver Kamm responded, suggesting that yes, they probably had been:

Yes, those who tried to stop the British Union of Fascists from marching in the East End in October 1936 were wrong. The BUF had a democratic right to march in peacetime, and the attempt to stop them did them a power of good. Mosley was looking for a way to call it off anyway, so that he could get to Berlin and secretly marry Diana Mitford Guinness in Goebbels’s drawing room (which he managed to do two days later). Support for Mosley in the East End increased after the Battle of Cable Street, as did antisemitic violence. Thugs attacked Jews and their properties, in the so-called Pogrom of Mile End, a week later.

This is an interesting answer, but it perhaps implies that the people who attempted to block the BUF’s march were more tactically incorrect than morally wrong.

More recently, last weekend saw the annual Apprentice Boys’ Parade in Derry pass without incident. Northern Ireland’s parade season has proved a flashpoint for many years now, most infamously at Drumcree yet no one has ever seriously suggested banning marches. There is, of course, arbitration and negotiation on routes, insignia and the like. Could the Parades Commission model be applied to groups such as Islam4UK and the English Defence League?

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McNally suggests privacy legislation

Justice Minister Lord McNally seems to have suggested that the government will introduce new legislation on privacy.

In a report in the Daily Telegraph, McNally is quoted as saying:

[Super-injunctions are] “something that has grown up by stealth, rather than by considered desire of Parliament and therefore they will be in the sights when they look at the reform of the law”.

The report continues:
The new legislation would be a “consolidation” and “clarification” of the case law that will “hopefully remove some of the more onerous aspects of the way that case law has grown up”.
It’s always a concern when governments suggest laws that could restrict free expression. However, it is a fact that through the European Convention on Human Rights and the Human Rights Act, the right to privacy does exist in English law, and judges must bear this in mind.

Index has always argued that if laws are to be made concerning free expression, it is better they emerge from proper democratic debate, rather than complex and sometimes contradictory court rulings that leave both the press and the public unsure of their rights and responsibilities.

Hence, we should not entirely shun the idea of privacy legislation, so long as that legislation is based on the presumption of free expression as a principle right.

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‘Do you know who I am?’

A lieutenant colonel in the French army has been caught on camera menacing a Togolese journalist after the man took photographs of him admonishing youths. Romuald Letondo also threatened to smash Didier Ledoux’s camera.

Unfortunately for Letondot, the whole incident, including the rather pompous question “Do you know who I am?” was caught on video and has been posted on YouTube. The officer’s actions, unacceptable even back when Togo was a French colony, have drawn widespread condemnation from both the African media and French officials. Letondot was forced to apologise directly to Ledoux.

Letondot claims that he had been worried that the photos would be misinterpreted. Luckily the video clears up the affair. Fun starts at 50 seconds.

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Link and be damned?

Siobhain Butterworth over at the Guardian law blog draws asks if a recent ruling by Mr Justice Tugendhat in the case of IslamExpo versus the Spectator magazine will have an impact on the web’s culture of linking.

A question that remains to be resolved is whether a link to a web page that contains defamatory statements about someone is actionable. The high court’s decision in the recent Spectator case looks at the hyperlinking question from another angle. Can the web pages a publisher links to inform the meaning of an article?

Tugendhat ruled that in this case, linked articles (from Stephen Pollard’s post to Harry’s Place, among others) must be assumed to be part of the overall context of the piece.

This would seem to make sense. Links are inserted exactly to provide context and reference points.

But there is a question over whether the insertion of a link makes one liable. If I link to material, is it a specific endorsement. Or indeed, am I implicating the linked website in my own libellous allegation.

We’re still not sure. Tugendhat’s ruling on overall context is relevant in this specific case, but he is keen to point out “I do this without thereby intending to imply any ruling, one way or the other, as to whether that approach is right in law.”

So it would seem we’re really none the wiser.

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Support Jean-Claude Kavumbagu

While Burundi’s war criminals go unpunished, my friend faces “treason” trial over critical article, says Richard Wilson

What do you do when someone you love gets murdered in a distant country you know almost nothing about? A decade ago my sister Charlotte died in a massacre in the small Central African state of Burundi. In the years that followed I was consumed by a need to understand why she had been killed, who had been responsible, and what, if anything could be done to bring them to book. Only a handful of people in the world could help me. Almost all were journalists. One of them was Jean-Claude Kavumbagu, editor of Burundi’s Netpress news agency.

The information, advice and contacts Jean-Claude gave me proved vital when I came to write the book about my sister’s life and death, Titanic Express. With truth comes a certain kind of cartharsis. To the extent that one ever can, I’ve “moved on” from what happened. But I will always remain endebted to those who helped my family find answers, asking nothing in return but that we do what we could to focus attention on the outrages happening in their country.

Jean-Claude has been a thorn in the side of successive governments in Burundi, both Hutu and Tutsi. His views are often controversial, but there is no questioning the price he has paid for them. In 1999, a year before my sister’s death, Jean-Claude was arrested by the Tutsi-led regime of Pierre Buyoya and held for two weeks on charges of operating an unregistered newspaper. He was detained again in 2001 by the same regime, and accused of insulting the public prosecutor. 2003 saw the installation of a new, Hutu-led government, which loudly proclaimed its commitment to peace, democracy and human rights. Three months later, Jean-Claude was arrested yet again and charged with “insulting the authorities”.

Elections in 2005 saw a landslide win for the Hutu ex-rebel leader Pierre Nkurunziza, who has gained plaudits for his talk of “forgiveness” and “reconciliation”. Sadly, Nkurunziza has been markedly unforgiving of critical coverage by the independent media. While no serious efforts have been made to prosecute those responsible for the ethnic massacres that have plagued Burundi over the last two decades, in recent years dozens of independent journalists have been detained or threatened over their work.

In 2008, Jean-Claude was arrested and accused of “libellous writing and insulting remarks” after a Netpress article claimed that the President had spent over $90,000 on his trip to the Olympics in Beijing. The government reportedly insisted that the true sum was half that amount — a figure that would still be 150 times the average annual income in Burundi. This time Jean-Claude was held for six months, spending Christmas in prison before finally being tried and acquitted of criminal “defamation” in March last year.

For a group of hardened former bush fighters, Burundi’s ruling party seems remarkably sensitive to “insults”, real or imagined. Were I in Jean-Claude’s position, I think I would by now have joined the many government critics who have fled the country — or at least retreated into a quiet retirement. Yet he has continued to speak out against corruption, abuses by the security forces, and the state’s apparent indifference towards the welfare of ordinary Burundians.

Commenting on Netpress following last month’s Islamist attacks in Uganda, Jean-Claude wrote that “the anxiety has been palpable in Bujumbura… all those who have heard about [the bombings] yesterday in Kampala were convinced that if the al-Shabaab militants wanted to try ‘something’ in our country, they would succeed with disconcerting ease, [given that] our defense and security forces shine in their capacity to pillage and kill their compatriots rather than defend our country.”

Harsh, certainly. But arguably fair given Burundi’s recent history. For making these comments, Jean-Claude was arrested and charged with “treason” — a wartime crime carrying a possible life sentence. The same day, 15 Burundian radio stations broadcast a simultaneous call for his release — a demand supported by human rights groups including the Committee to Protect Journalists, Human Rights Watch, and the Federation of African Journalists.

For the moment, however, Burundi’s ruling party seems set on its course — emboldened perhaps by the dominance it now enjoys after the opposition pulled out of June’s general elections amid fears of vote-rigging. Earlier this week another journalist, Thierry Ndayishimiye, was arrested and charged with “defamation” over an article alleging corruption within the state energy authority.

President Nkurunziza may also have one eye on the situation in neighbouring Rwanda, where — as Index reported earlier this week – the aid money and accolades have continued to pour in, despite the murderous repression of the independent media.

Richard Wilson is a freelance writer and blogger. He is the author of Titanic Express and Don’t Get Fooled Again

@dontgetfooled

www.richardwilsonauthor.com

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Reporters march in Mexico

Just a few days after several thousand reporters marched in Mexico City and other cities across the country to protest attacks against the press, the journalism community is elated to have managed to organise such a gathering. But as former editor of El Universal Raymundo Riva Palacio warned his colleagues before the march, displays of protest only from the “infantry” are likely to achieve little unless news media owners join the cause.

Leading journalists made suggestions about how Saturday’s last minute marches should be followed up. On Tuesday, Roberto Rock, the former director of the daily El Universal urged march organisers to meet Frank La Rue, the UN’s Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Opinion and Expression and Catalina Botero, the Organisation of American States Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Expression, who will be visiting Mexico this week to investigate the situation of the Mexican press.

Rock is a member of the Inter American Press Association, one of the many international groups that has requested for years that the Mexican government to change the investigative system for journalists’ murders, taking it away from provincial authorities (Estados) to the federal authorities.

Elsewhere in Latin America, in Uruguay, Judge Ana María Tellechea Reck sentenced journalist Alvaro Alfonso to 24 months in prison after he was convicted of having libeled former Montevideo provincial congressman for the Communist Party of Uruguay (PCU), Carlos Alberto Tutzó López in a 2008 book. The judged also demanded the “seizure” of all editions of the book Secretos del Partido Comunista (Secrets of the Communist Party).

In Brazil Elizeu Felício de Souza, who was sentenced to 23-and-a-half years in prison for his role in the 2002 death of television journalist Tim Lopes of TV Globo is openly selling drugs in the streets of Morro do Alemão, a shantytown in the north of Rio de Janeiro.

Images obtained by TV Globo show the escaped prisoner selling drugs, armed with a rifle and pistol, next to a city construction site. Tim Lopes was killed in 2002, after reporting on the sexual exploitation of children at drug traffickers’ “funk” parties in Rio de Janeiro’s favelas.

Yesterday in Bogota, Colombia, terrorists placed a car bomb near the building that houses Caracol, one of the country’s major radio stations. The bomb caused considerable damage injuring nine.

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